Author: Danur Estu

  • Choosing a Benchmark Country: A Guide to the Governance Indices That Matter

    Choosing a Benchmark Country: A Guide to the Governance Indices That Matter

    Ask which country has the best system of government and the answer you get is usually subjective: whichever country the media mentions most often, or the one the person happens to know best. Yet the country named may well excel in one area while lagging in another.

    Several institutions around the world have tackled this problem with research that measures government performance systematically, each with its own criteria, dimensions, and methodology. The goal is simple: anyone reading a score should know exactly what is being assessed, where the numbers come from, and when that particular yardstick is the right one to use.

    With that in hand, these indices serve two purposes: answering which country has the best overall governance, and (often more usefully) identifying which country makes the best benchmark for one specific aspect, be it workforce management, procurement transparency, or public trust. Here are four indices and one data hub that serve both purposes.

    Blavatnik Index of Public Administration

    The index is maintained by the Blavatnik School of Government at the University of Oxford and assesses one thing specifically: the quality of public administration. It does not measure policy outcomes such as economic growth, nor political dimensions such as press freedom. Its focus is purely on how the bureaucracy works, what might be called the “engine” of government.

    The assessment is divided into four domains:

    1. Strategy and Leadership assesses a government’s capacity for long-term strategic planning, openness and communication with the public, integrity and corruption control, and the ability to innovate.
    2. Public Policy assesses the quality of the policymaking process, regulatory quality, crisis and risk management, and the use of data in decision-making.
    3. National Delivery assesses system oversight, the maturity of digital services, the quality of tax administration, and the efficiency of border services.
    4. People and Processes assesses what it is like to work inside the bureaucracy: workforce diversity and inclusion, human resource management practices, procurement openness, and technology and the working environment. This is the most relevant domain when the goal is to compare how governments develop the competence of their civil servants.

    The Blavatnik Index runs no surveys of its own. Instead, it aggregates 17 external data sources into 82 metrics, ranging from official statistics (such as ILOSTAT from the International Labour Organization and the EIGE gender database) to institutional assessments (such as the World Bank’s GovTech Maturity Index) and expert surveys (such as V-Dem and the Quality of Government Expert Survey). Its “respondents,” in effect, are a mix of statistical agencies, expert assessors, and officials completing administrative surveys across countries. Each metric is normalized to a scale of 0 to 1 with no weighting (no metric counts for more than any other), and missing data is never patched with estimates, so a country only enters the rankings once its data coverage is sufficient. The 2024 edition covers 120 countries.

    The Blavatnik Index is most useful for concrete cross-country comparisons of bureaucratic performance, for instance when choosing a reference country for civil service reform or designing competency development programs for public officials.

    Results, methodology, and raw data are available at index.bsg.ox.ac.uk, with open code and data files at github.com/blavatnik-index.

     

    Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI)

    Maintained by the World Bank and running since 1996, the WGI measure the quality of governance as a whole, not just the bureaucracy. If Blavatnik grades the government’s “engine,” the WGI grade the entire car, including who is driving, how they drive, and how the driver handles whatever the road throws at them.

    The WGI assess six dimensions:

    1. Voice and Accountability measures the extent to which citizens can participate in selecting their government, along with freedom of expression, freedom of association, and media freedom.
    2. Political Stability and Absence of Violence measures the likelihood of a government being destabilized by unconstitutional means or violence, including terrorism.
    3. Government Effectiveness measures the quality of public services and the bureaucracy, the competence of civil servants, and the credibility of the government’s commitment to its own policies.
    4. Regulatory Quality measures a government’s ability to formulate and implement sound regulations that enable the private sector.
    5. Rule of Law measures the extent to which people trust and abide by the rules of society, including the quality of contract enforcement, property rights, the police, and the courts.
    6. Control of Corruption measures the extent to which public power is exercised for private gain, from petty corruption to state capture by elites.

    The WGI are entirely perception-based. The numbers are drawn from more than 30 sources, including household and firm surveys, expert assessments from research institutes and non-governmental organizations, and evaluations by multilateral institutions and business information providers. The respondents, in other words, are citizens, businesses, and experts rather than governments’ own administrative records. These dozens of perception sources are then combined through a statistical model (the Unobserved Components Model) into standardized scores on a scale of -2.5 to +2.5, along with percentile ranks from 0 to 100.

    Given its long time span, the WGI are most useful for tracking a country’s governance trends since 1996 and mapping its position at a macro level, including comparing political and administrative dimensions within one and the same country.

    Interactive data and reports are available at worldbank.org/governance/wgi.

     

    Global Survey of Public Servants (GSPS)

    The survey is run by a consortium led by the World Bank’s Bureaucracy Lab together with several universities. Where Blavatnik and the WGI assess the bureaucracy from the outside, the GSPS assesses it from within, through the voices of government employees themselves.

    The aspects measured include:

    1. Motivation and engagement explores how driven employees are to serve the public and how attached they are to their work.
    2. Human resource management practices explores how recruitment, promotion, and performance appraisal actually play out on the ground, not merely how the rules are written.
    3. Integrity and ethics explores employees’ perceptions of corruption, favoritism, and fairness within their own institutions.
    4. Work environment and satisfaction explores working conditions, relationships with management, and overall job satisfaction.

    The GSPS uses harmonized primary surveys: the core questionnaire is kept identical across countries so that results can be compared, while still allowing adaptation to local context. Surveys roll out country by country, usually in partnership with national governments or local research institutions, so coverage grows over time rather than arriving all at once as a global index would.

    The GSPS is a fitting complement to system-level scores like Blavatnik’s: it captures the human side of the bureaucracy.

    Country data and thematic reports are available at globalsurveyofpublicservants.org.

     

    OECD Government at a Glance

    Published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), this report presents detailed data on government practices, primarily in developed countries.

    The aspects covered include:

    1. Public finance and fiscal policy presents the structure of government spending, revenue, and debt.
    2. The public sector workforce presents the composition, size, and management of government employment.
    3. Digital government and open data presents the maturity of digital services along with the availability and use of open government data.
    4. Participation and public trust presents how involved citizens are in policy processes and how much they trust government institutions.

    The main report focuses on OECD members and accession candidates, so for developing countries it is best read as an aspirational reference. For a more level comparison involving Indonesia, there is a dedicated Southeast Asia edition published jointly with the Asian Development Bank.

    The data blend three types of sources: administrative data and official statistics submitted directly by member governments, OECD surveys of government officials on practices and policies, and citizen perception surveys, including the OECD Trust Survey on public confidence in institutions.

    The report is best suited to aspirational benchmarking against advanced-economy standards, or, through the Southeast Asia edition, to a more realistic comparison between Indonesia and its ASEAN peers.

    The main report is available at the official OECD Government at a Glance 2025 page.

     

    (Honorable Mention) Quality of Government Institute

    The Quality of Government (QoG) Institute at the University of Gothenburg is not an index but an academic data and research center. Rather than producing a single score, it compiles hundreds of governance datasets from various sources into one standardized database, free to download for research.

    Its main contribution lies in two things:

    1. A unified database brings together data from the WGI, V-Dem, Freedom House, and dozens of other sources in a consistent format, so researchers can analyze across sources without having to clean the data themselves.
    2. A conceptual framework offers a definition of “quality of government” as a matter of impartiality: the extent to which the state treats its citizens equally regardless of who they are. This framework provides a theoretical foundation that ranking-based indices often lack.

    As a data hub, most of its content is secondary compilation from other datasets. The institute does, however, run a primary survey of its own, the Quality of Government Expert Survey, whose respondents are academics and public administration experts around the world.

    The database and its documentation are available at qog.gu.se.

     

    When One Country Is Strong in Some Areas but Weak in Others

    Because each of the indices above covers several dimensions, the assessment need not stop at the question of which country governs best overall (the league-table reading), but can move on to a more useful question: which country is good at what.

    The payoff is twofold. For policymakers, reading dimension by dimension makes it easier to benchmark on a specific field. For general readers, the spread of a country’s scores reveals which values that country holds dear.

    Take Singapore. On five of the six WGI dimensions, the country sits among the very best in the world, and it holds the highest Government Effectiveness score globally. Yet on Voice and Accountability, Singapore ranks only around the 44th percentile, behind the majority of democracies. That profile tells the story of the country’s chosen values: legitimacy built on tangible development results rather than on open political competition.

    The same pattern appears at the regional scale. East Asia tends to be strong on Government Effectiveness but weak on Voice and Accountability, while Latin America is comparatively good at citizen participation yet lags in bureaucratic capacity. The world’s two great regions read almost as mirror images of each other.

    The imbalance can even run in surprising directions. Ukraine, whose overall scores are far from the world’s elite, ranks first in procurement data openness on the Blavatnik Index, ahead of Singapore and the Nordic countries. That strength was born of crisis: public procurement that once cost the state around two billion US dollars a year prompted anti-corruption activists, in the wake of the 2014 Maidan Revolution, to build an electronic procurement system called ProZorro, meaning “transparent.” Initiated by civil society, the system was later adopted by the government and made mandatory by law in 2016, on one simple principle: everyone sees everything.

    These findings carry two lessons. First, a high score in one dimension is no guide to any other, so an index is more valuable as a lens on several dimensions than as a single verdict. Second, the reference country may differ from one dimension to the next: learning workforce management from Norway and procurement transparency from Ukraine may serve better than copying any single country wholesale. Excellence on an index is, in the end, a map of a country’s reform priorities through its history.

     

  • The Slower You Write, the More You Learn.

    The Slower You Write, the More You Learn.

    Here’s a counterintuitive fact: the slower you write, the better you learn. Yet most of us have traded the pen for a keyboard and never looked back. If you’re trying to learn something, that trade is costing you.

    The Vanishing Ink Phenomenon

    We’ve become deeply dependent on our digital devices. Phones, laptops, and tablets handle nearly everything we used to scribble down, from lecture notes to grocery lists. A 2025 survey of Gen Z in India found that 65% of respondents prefer typing to handwriting, and only 20% said they actually enjoy putting pen to paper.

    This convenience comes with a cost, and it shows up most clearly when you’re trying to learn.

    Handwriting Outperforms Typing

    In 2014, psychologists Pam Mueller and Daniel Oppenheimer ran a now-famous experiment. They asked students to take notes on a lecture, some by hand and some on laptops, then quizzed them on the content. Both groups remembered factual details equally, but the handwriters performed noticeably better on conceptual questions.

    The reason was speed. Laptop users could transcribe verbatim, so they did. Handwriters couldn’t keep up word-for-word, so they were forced to choose what mattered, compress it, and rephrase it in their own words. That process of synthesizing, prioritizing, and summarizing is the learning. Typing lets you skip it.

    Mueller and Oppenheimer had shown what happens when you write by hand. But what was causing it at the neurological level? In 2024, neuroscientists Audrey van der Meer and Ruud van der Weel went looking for the answer. Using high-density EEG on 36 university students, they compared neural activity during handwriting and typing. Handwriting produced significantly more connectivity in the theta and alpha bands, frequencies linked to novelty learning and long-term memory formation. Typing didn’t produce the same patterns. The researchers attribute the difference to the fine motor demands of shaping each unique letter, which engages far more of the brain than the near-uniform tap of a keyboard.

    Conclusion

    When the goal is to actually learn something, handwriting wins. The friction of the pen does real cognitive work that typing quietly removes.

    Keep a notebook handy. Your future self, sitting through the exam or trying to recall what you learned last month, will thank you.

  • Performance Is Bounded, Success Is Unbounded

    Performance Is Bounded, Success Is Unbounded

    Most of us grow up believing rewards follow effort in a fairly linear way. Work harder, get better results, earn slightly more. Then we step into the real world and see something that doesn’t fit that logic: people who are only slightly better sometimes end up with dramatically more recognition, opportunity, and income.

    That mismatch is what Barabási’s second law helps explain: performance is bounded, but success is unbounded. In other words, human ability has a ceiling, but the way the world rewards the top can scale far beyond that ceiling.

    Performance Is Bounded

    Human performance has limits. How fast can we run? How far can we throw a ball? How long can we stay focused?

    Take Usain Bolt. Even as a world-record sprinter, under normal circumstances he would not run two or three times faster than an average person. The gap is real, but it is not infinite. That is the point: performance has a ceiling.

    In many fields, performance clusters around an average, with fewer people at the extremes. Statistically, this is often described by a normal distribution (the classic bell curve), where most outcomes sit near the middle and the tails taper off toward the extremes.

    So if you are a writer, lawyer, doctor, or programmer competing in a crowded domain, the performance differences among strong candidates are often relatively small. Excellence is crowded.

    Success Is Unbounded

    Now comes the surprising part. If performance is bounded, it feels intuitive to expect rewards to be bounded too, or at least roughly proportional. The best performer should earn more than the rest, but not wildly more.

    Yet in many fields, rewards do not scale neatly with performance. Markets reward attention and visibility, and those can scale far beyond small differences in ability. That is how bounded performance can produce unbounded outcomes.

    A simple way to see this is to compare what global superstars make versus what their peers typically make.

    Take Roger Federer. His career prize money is enormous, but prize money is still the “bounded” part because it is tied to results within the sport’s payout structure. The “unbounded” part appears when success becomes scalable through reputation and global attention. That is why endorsement contracts can dwarf tournament winnings. Federer’s Uniqlo deal was widely reported at around $300 million over 10 years, a number that sits on a completely different scale than what most elite players can earn from competition alone.That is a gap of roughly 1,000 to one — not because Federer was 1,000 times the tennis player, but because his success became scalable in a way that his rivals’ never did.

    Now compare that to what “normal” looks like for other top professionals. The ATP’s Baseline programme introduced guaranteed minimums, including $300,000 for Top 100 singles players, and $200,000 for players ranked 101 to 175 for 2025. Those are meaningful numbers, but they also show the gap clearly: the typical earnings floor for elite peers is measured in hundreds of thousands, while a global superstar’s endorsement economics can move into nine figures.

    Tiger Woods shows the same pattern in golf. His official career tournament earnings are huge, but the larger story is that his total career earnings are driven primarily by sponsorships and business deals rather than prize money. For comparison, reported average earnings on the PGA Tour in 2024 were around $1.978 million. The gap between “very good” and “global superstar” becomes enormous, not because the performance gap is infinite, but because endorsements, media exposure, and brand demand amplify success far beyond the bounds of human performance.

    What This Means for Us

    The point is not that performance is irrelevant. It is that once you enter a crowded zone of excellence, small differences become harder to detect, and rewards can be amplified by visibility, reputation, and market dynamics.

    In a world where success has no ceiling, the question is not just how good you are — it is how clearly that goodness can be seen. The rest of this piece is about both.

     

  • The Science of Success: When Performance Matters and When Networks Win

    The Science of Success: When Performance Matters and When Networks Win

    Performance drives success, but when performance can’t be measured, networks drive success

    A few years ago, around 2018 or 2019, I walked into a bookstore and found a book called The Formula: The Universal Laws of Success by Albert-László Barabási. What caught my attention wasn’t just the title, but the tagline: “The Science Behind Why People Succeed or Fail.”

    I believe in science (and Islam as well), even though I’m not a scientist, and I believe that the universe runs on patterns. So I found myself wondering: if success feels abstract and vague, can it still be studied, mapped, and distilled into principles we can apply across different areas of life?

    Back then, I only took a photo of the cover and told myself I’d read the preview on Kindle.

    I didn’t buy it.

    Fast forward to today: I reinstalled Kindle to browse the catalog, and I noticed the book was still bookmarked. I reread the preview, and this time I finally bought it.

    It’s fascinating. Barabási and his team analyzed massive datasets and distilled recurring patterns into five laws. The value, at least for me, is simple: we get frameworks without having to do the heavy lifting ourselves.

    These five laws are:

    1. Performance drives success, but when performance can’t be measured, networks drive success.

    2. Performance is bounded, but success is unbounded.

    3. Previous success x fitness = future success.

    4. While team success requires diversity and balance, a single individual will receive credit for the group’s performance.

    5. With persistence, success can come anytime.

    In this article, I’ll focus only on the First Law. We’ll cover the rest in future articles.

    The First Law

    Performance drives success, but when performance can’t be measured, networks drive success.

    Here’s the idea in plain language: when performance is measurable, success tends to follow performance. But when performance is hard to measure, people rely on other signals, and networks become the engine of success.

    When performance is measurable, performance tends to drive success

    In fields with clear metrics, it’s easier for others to agree on what “good” looks like. Think of competitive sports, exams, or sales targets. The system may still be imperfect, but the scoreboard makes performance visible.

    Barabási and his team examined enormous data from the Association of Tennis Professionals (ATP). A player’s performance can be measured through match outcomes, rankings, and points. For “success,” they used Wikipedia page views as a proxy for public attention and visibility, not as a perfect definition of success itself.

    The pattern was striking: when a player wins a major tournament, their Wikipedia traffic spikes. When a player’s performance drops due to injury or poor results, attention tends to decline. In measurable fields, visibility often follows the results.

    When performance is subjective, networks drive success

    But what about fields where quality is difficult to measure?

    Art is a good example. People can disagree strongly about which artwork is “better,” and there’s no universal metric to settle it. In these contexts, Barabási argues that networks take over. Reputation, endorsements, gatekeepers, and institutional context become the signals people use to decide what is valuable.

    He references research and data from Magnus Resch, an art-market analyst who built an app called Magnus to help art lovers recognize and price artworks in galleries and museums. One key insight is that galleries and museums form connected circles, almost like an ecosystem.

    If an artist starts by exhibiting in a certain “tier” of galleries, their work often circulates within that same network. That can be limiting: the work keeps rotating in the same circle and struggles to break into higher-tier spaces. But once the artist manages to enter a better-connected or higher-status gallery, the network itself can accelerate recognition. The work may be similar, but its placement changes how it is perceived and valued.

    This also helps explain why some artworks receive mind-blowing price tags. Often, it’s not only the object that drives the price, but the network and context around it: the artist’s reputation, who collects it, which institutions endorse it, and how the story is framed. The artwork becomes a social signal, not just an object.

    Most careers sit in between

    Most professions aren’t purely performance-based like tennis, or purely network-driven like the art market. They sit somewhere in between.

    Performance exists, but it’s not always visible from the outside. A teacher can be excellent, a public servant can be effective, or a designer can be world-class, yet outsiders may not have a clear way to measure their work. When performance is partly hidden, networks become the bridge between real work and recognition.

    This is why someone with strong results can remain unnoticed, while someone else rises quickly. It’s not always because one is better, but because one person’s performance is easier to see, easier to explain, and easier to circulate through the right circles.

    What should we do with this?

    The takeaway isn’t “performance doesn’t matter,” and it isn’t “connections are everything.” The point is to harness both drivers, because life is rarely played on a single board.

    A simple way to apply the First Law:

    • Build performance that can be shown. Create visible proof: outcomes, metrics, a portfolio, a record of results.
    • Build networks that can carry your performance. Place yourself in circles that understand quality and can vouch for it.
    • Make your value easy to repeat. If people can’t describe what you do well in one sentence, they can’t spread it.
    • Protect trust by delivering consistently. Networks amplify, but reliability compounds.

    In other words, it helps if your network knows how excellent you are, because they will be the ones who spread the word. And if you already have a network, you still need to back it up with real delivery.

    Performance gives you substance. Networks give you reach.

    In the real world, you often need both.